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Full text of "To the People of Ireland"

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TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 19 1-99. 



No.-XXIVi 



TO THE 



P' E O P L K. 

OF 

-quis ciiim jam nom iritellr^at'Hrtts,''- 



Jyv, Sat. 4*-. 

HAT the enJeavoiirs to reduce this kingilom to 
tTie mo;t abjeft ftaie of hclpkfs fubordination to Great 
Britain, which have been lately made, andthofe whinh 
are ftill threatened to be attempted, fprung from no 
fudden impuife, or temporary caufe, is too obvious to 
be doubted of by any man. It is new plain, that aU 
the councils which have direQed, and all the tranfaSli.- 
cns which have taken place in Ireland for aferiespf 
years part, have been beni (fo far a» the Britifh minif- 
ter could incline them) with a tendency to accelerate the 
attainment of this objcft. It uoiild, t)n<loiibtcdly, be 
a fpcculation curious in its purfuit, and ufeful in its 
end, to iriveftigate and dtvelopc the injurious policy of 
thofe councils, and pernicious progrePs of thofe tian- 
faclicns, fo far as the interefts of Ireland were involved 
in them ; curious, as opening the book of national am- 
bition (perhaps depravitj) to the eye of philofophy ; 
ufeful, in inculcating the necefCty of national harmony 
for the prefervation of national liberty. But this is an 
enquiry not properly within the prefent deflgn of this 
paper ; befide, although the diflemper which afflift this 
country is, in its diftemper, chronic ; yet, as it now 
fuffers under a violent paroxyfm, however alteratives 
are ncceflary to work a radical cure, medicines more 
expeditious in their effeCls muft beadminiftered to meet 
the prefent attack. 

It is natural to the human mind, when apprehenfive 
of a great evil, to apply itfelf to the removal of that 
which brings the objeQs of its fear nearell: to the view, 
rather than of that, which being lefs obtrufive, though 
more dangerous, might be in reality more likely, even- 
tually, to infliQ: it. Thus, though there may be, and 
I have no doubt are, many caufes much more likely to 
fuper-induce upon my country the complicated ills of 
that deteftable mcafure, whichit is the avowed intention 
of your paper to ward it from, yet, the fpeech of Mr. 
Pitt, the prime minifter of England, lately delivered in 
the parliament of that kingdonri, obtains an involuntary 



prccedenc<; of them all, and cccoiiics my thoughts itV-^ 
ffinaively. I liave reail it with that anxious care which 
a deep intereft in its fubjtft nnifl ncccflarilv beget, and 
-thought I found in it little but afrertions unfipportcd by 
proofs, facts grofsly miitated, deceitful profpeds artful- 
ly exhibited, fubtleties fophiftically reafoncd upon^ 
threats formidable in found, but dangerlefs in reality, 
indireflly held out, and certain iniurii.s cautioufly endea*- 
voured to bfe hid from view. 'Tis true, though thefe 
feemed to be the- diflinguifhing charaSeriftics of this- 
fpeech, yet they appeared drefled out with confummate 
ability, almoft irrcfiftibly impreilive where it was deli- 
vered, but lillle calculated to convince the reafon of a 
thinking Iridiman. Thus it flruck mc^ and with this 
idea of it I fhould have remained undaunted with re- 
fpeft'to its confequences, but obferving the adminiilra- 
tton which had undertaken the impofition of ' a yoke 
upon this nation, fedulous in diftributing itat the public 
expence, as one of the inftruments they intended to 
esT.ploy in their work.. Seeing the money of the peo- 
ple fqiiandered in the pubiicatiosV of a fpeech, which 
argued in another country cn^y, or on one fide of a quef- 
tfon which involved the deareft interefts of this,- See- 
ing that admin iftraticn open the national' purfe, , not to 
relieve the national diflrefs, but to endeavour at w.-irp- 
ing the national judgment, I began to fear the means 
were beitt.r adapted to the end than they appeared to me 
to be, and that kind of alarm fei'zed upon my mind 
which is great in proportion to the incornprehenfibility 
of the danger. Furiher rtfle£iion has recalled my cou- 
rage, and I now mean to addrefs one or two letters to 
you, containing fuch remarks upon the different parts 
of this fpeech as have been either leafl: obviated already 
by others, or which may appear in a different light 
from that in which it was viewed by them. 

The infidious fallacv of Mr. Pitt's afTcrtion relative 
to ihe divifions in our Houle of Commons on the quef- 
tion of the Union, has been fo ably and fiifBciently ex- 
pofed in your 21 ft number, that it would be worfe than 
flipetfluous to dwell on that now — I therefore pafsit 
over. 

* Mr.' Pitt urges in favor of his meafure the internal 
treafon which ravages this country, but there are tv.o 
circumftances refpefting this fubjeft which he has alto- 
gether omitted to confider. He has not mentioned the 
caufes' — the true and genuine caufes of that treafon ; 
nor has he proved, or indeed attempted to prove, that 
the adoption of an Union would be the on'y means of 
curing, or would at all remove it. Mr. Pitt has not 
touched upon the political hiftory of this country for 

* Page It of tbe prntctl Speech. 



92 



Tcme years psfl, which '.vcu!d tkilbit ttie soverncrs cf 
Ireland irritating and inflaming every fobdivifion of the 
ptople one aga'inU tic oii.er ; would (litw, them purfuing 
the moftdilccaiaJit and contiadiaory fjTlems of admi- 
riiliration.5 w ould hold tlifm out as never fiiffering any 
plan of internal regniaMon to be followed to comple- 
l:on ; would ftlgmatixo them as ufing all endeavours jo 
render the parliament contemptible m the eyes of the 
people; Would point "at them . te: playing on the hop^ 
and fears of drfftrcnt religious feSs, carefully balancing, 
and diligently oppoffngthe'in. He has cantioufly avoid- 
ed himfelf, and rtudiotifly averted the eyes of his hear- 
ers from looking on -the page which might pitfent fuch 
<!amnii!g troths to the view. It was theiefore hid from 
*iisEngHThauditcrs^but not io with my heretofore in- 
fatuated ' c6untrymen-Sithey are beginning to read it 
\yith attention, even though they behold it with detefta- 
tion ; but they find in it the road to the only Unioiii ne- 
ceffary to the happinefs of Ireland. Why Mr. Pitt 
dwelt upon the efforts, but never went in fearch of the 
caufes,^it would be untieceflary to enquire— if is obvi- 
ous. Why fych-caufes were tftabliQied, or fuch ef- 
forts flowed from theni, perhaps he would tellj 
and we might guefs furely, however this may 
he, that man moH be either wilfully bliil'd, or in- 
corrigibly ftupid, who does not difcover at once both 
the drift and the turpitude of the tntalure now p»fljng 
within the fphere of his obfervation. Is it the fuggeftion 
of fear, or the creation of fancy, thatre bellion is kept 
alive by the extenrion of every hope bf irappnity to 
the traitor ; that mid-day murder and ojien robbery ftalk 
through the land, unchecked and linobferved, to any 
other intent' than ast hey might tend to produce their 
portion of difmsy and fdbmiftiori ; that devaftation Mat- 
ters horrors under the very eyes of the inaSive gar- 
rifon. If thefe things have any real exiftence, muft not 
the man, who cstferves them, d(k, whence they arife and 
A^'heiefore are they t But Mr.Pitt is content to argue upon 
matters juift as he finds ^hcm. It would divert the 
courfe of his prefcienise too farj if he cafl a fetrofpec- 
tive glance beyond the ptriod of French Attempts on 
thiscounlry; a prefcience which he exercifes, not Ifke 
Caaandra, for we know thefoufceor his infpiratiori too 
well todoubt the veracity of his prediaions. Hehasfore- 
told events, and we muft believe him — mark his prophetic 
words: *"Bu.t if ftruggles of this fort may and tm/1 re- 
turn again, if the wsrji dangers are tjiofe vjhichar^yet to 
Tome, dangers which maybegreaterframbeing tnot^diMifid." 
Read thefcroll with awful attention, for it isjlretched to 
you by an arm clothed with power. Receive the pro- 
phecy with fear, for the certainty of its accornplifliment 
is enfured by the former works of the prophet. Preci- 
pitate yourfelves, toavoidtheconfcquencesof the dread- 
ful denunciation, into the gulph prepared for you, which 
hke the grave, will flielter you from all human evils, for 
the oracle tells you, thus only you can efcapetbe honors 

* P8?e 15. 



of its fuISImcht. But let meccofy afli, is this an argu- 
ment capable of pcrfua8ing Iiifhmen to thefurrender of 
.every, tiling eflimsble to tbeni i^ationally confidered, or 
can Mr, Pitt's mere aflfertion, that it is fa. Convince their 
reafon that a legiflative Union with Great Britain, is the 
0;?,^ thing within the ringe of human events which can 
render them peaceful, flouri.ftiing, and hVppy ? Is there 
a map in this kingiU>m capable of obfervation, who may 
not fatisfy him(e!f, that a great portion of the dillenti- 
«ns which ha.ved({li^cled thi«c»untry, and which now 
^iftraa it, may be traced to the policy of theBritifh ca- 
binet ? If fo, muft he ncJt fee that a Britifti minifter, ar- 
guing on thefe diflentioris, (without adverting to their 
caufes,) ift fiinport of. any favored fcheme of his own, 
rcafons on the ill efforts of -fafits occafioned in a great 
meafure by himfelf, and thus endeavors contrary ttU 
every principle of juftice, to take advantage of his own 
Wrong. Mufthe not fee that the very exiftance of fuch 
diflentiotis, fo cauTed, is one of the ftrongeft poflible 
proofs that that meafure is not the only cure for them, 
to enforce the adoption of which they were in reality 
infliaed, and that fo far from being a renqedy for the 
dift^mpeT,'that to arrive at it was the caufe of the cohl- 
plaint ? Muft'Hot the refult pf his conviSion then be, 
a determinati6ri 'liot tobe duped by arts fo long fuccefs- 
fully pr^Qiced to the 'rfcridering him the inftrumetit of 
national diftfaaions, which niay be lb t'ngenioufly con- 
verted into aVgOments againft himfelf? 

S Mr. Pitt dwells long oii the neceffity of the con- 
ndxion between thefe kirigdpms. The fubjeO: i^ell de- 
ferves itk It is of fuch importance, that fure I am^ there 
is no iMah in this country, who merits the name oflfifh- 
. man, who would not willingly refign efrery thing worthy 
of eftimation to preferve it. £ven the horrors of the 
year 1 798, prove the faa-^proiidly prove it. Froiti 
the ineftimable value of that conneSion, however, he 
endeavors to eftablifli another aj^gurhent of fear in favor 
of his plan ; and here, let me obfervc generally, that the 
pervading copiplexion of all his argutitehts, iraendtd to 
infiiieriCfcthrs "country, takes the'deadly hue of fear: A 
colour which they certainly very naturally lacquire from 
the means ufed to give them birth. But different, far 
titfferent indeed, is the conclufioh, that the mind of Mr^ 
Pitt, in truth arid reality, draws on this ftibjeft, from 
that which he Would imprefs upon lis as the refult of his 
own reafoniilg : He kntiws tliat the immenfe value of 
the thing is thebeft guarantee of its durathjn—^He knows 
• perfeSly well that it is fo manifeftly, not only the inte- 
reft, but; indeed the v-ery mean? of exiftence of both 
countries, nofeparatioh cSn ever beferioufly apprehend- 
ed. I fear not to affert that thisconnexion is the rtieans 
of exiftence to both countries: l^or the proud pre-ein'i- 
nenceof Great Britain, among the nations of the earth, 
refts more on the connexion between thefe countries, 
than it is here neceOary to inveftigate : A pre-eminence, 
which flxe has glorioufly exerted in order to ereft an 

^ Paje It. 



n 



Jkrylum for liberty, ariil nSaintainHreiTeeAjniof Eoropei 
and while fbe has rxperic-nced it, mav (he never forget it. 
He knows no defire of reparation will ever arrfe jn -the 
heart of any man in either kingdom, fiifficient to create 
a juft ground of alarm, wliile the natural fafety of both 
forbids it. . But either fondn^fs for this favorite objeft, 
ths natural defire of iBritifh minifter to reJieve h« -oWn 
fcountry at the experice of this, the preffureof the etri- 
barrafsments great exertions have caufed in Great Bri- 
tain, the ambition of domination, the fancied glory of 
atthieving the eiploit, or fome liliexplored motive, pre- 
vents him either from, feeing, or induces him to fliut his 
eyes wilfully againft theadmiffionof twofa^s, or indeed 
what is much more I ikeJy, knowing: that they wotsW in- 
jure his argument, he intentionally fupprefftd them. 
The fiill is, that if ever the relative fituation of the 
two countries ihould be ft> altered, as that mutual intereft 
ihould proclaim their feparatioh, {an event wjiich moft 
certainly is hcyend the reach of human penetration- to 
difcover even the liioft diftant probability of its occur- 
ing) no legal bond of Union will be of the fmalleft effi- 
cacy in comparing t^m toother: until fuch an incal- 
culable change of affairs, takes placej and ivhile both 
pofftfs and pri;ze national liberty, they vrill aSt in con- 
cert from the ftrongeft of all poffibte iliotives, the aQual 
fafety of both. The other is, that if ever the power of 
oppreffion of the one over the dtlier {houid be vefted' in 
either, the^ probability is.'tllat tbe poffeflWti of fuch a 
power, will beg6t in the tiationescptufed to oppreffion, 
even though It fhou Id not Be exerted, the defire of fepa- 
ration, and that, although the fafety of both fhould be 
facrifiped in. its indulgence. That a legiflatlve Union 
with Great Britain would expofe Ireland to th^ polTibility 
of fuch oppreffion, is capable dip demwiftratlon, imd is 
indeed admitted by Mr. Pitt himfelf, wh6 argties on the 
improbability of its ever bein^ exerted, and the little 
reafon Ireland ha» to apprehend it, from the fried mag- 
nanimity of Great Britain in other and flmilar cafes. 
Thus, I am certain that a repsirMtiori wouM be tmtch 
more likely to be offered by an United legiflAtiire, thltn 
from Ireland's retaining the independijiice of her's, and 
that Ireland now enjoys a in greater degree the ad»atj- 
tage of a fear in Great Britain, that aii attempt at op.- 
preffion might be fat^I to both natiotis', the means of 
reprefling injury in its firfl approach, and a certainty of 
feciiring to herfelf advantages, which though the depri- 
vation of them poffibly might not compel her to a dif- 
ruption froni Great Britain, ytt the pofTeffioh 6f them 
may contribute materially to her profperity, which al- 
together give a ftability to her connexion with Great 
Britain, far more powerful than any bonds of compaS, 
ior articles of Union, could by any poflibility beftow, 
and place,the idea of feparation far beyond the limits of 
teafon^ble apprehenfiort. 



WANTS 



W. 



ANTED, abfiift 220 heirrrig ti^utfljiets for afl thei 
^enibers of tlie H— — of C — ' — — — , except Sir 

H. - ■■ C — , t^atth^ may ht i!b\e'm fururfc 

to difcsrn all manner cfhcifcs in the gallery.- — ^ 

|j. B-^The , neOr P — ^■— e S 1 being accuftcrhei 

to lifen, and expert at bvet--hearing, jWiy be excufed. 
the ufe of a trumpet. 



Wanted, a bag, a fetsr hvr bbdki, a cafe of piftolsj 
and a few other cafes in point for the new P e 
S 1. 

Wanted, crumbs tf comfort for fuch eipeQan't 
commiflioners as cannot be inimediitelv fupplied with 
places, dad are at prefent ifatich chop-fallen. 



Wanted, a fchool-mafter for the treafury bench. 

It. P-^ -^ might procure a caft one from the 

navy : He mufl undevftarid^ccourits for the fake of the 

new C— — ' ■ of the E-^- '—- — and the -young 

candidate commiffioiiers. The new chairman muft 
learnTroih htm to read oiit, and the Secretary b *' Speak 
plain.'* 



j-_j^ 



,. . ^ .- ^.. 



^0,1,t^tl,\mmmmM% 



Frorh theMERAtl)*^ OpfiCEiFeb. i$, r79i^. 



HE Du,blin HerafeJ at Arms (though iti this fingle 
point he diflFer« from Sir C— — — r F ' ■ ) is 

of opinion, that the new peers to be made in con- 
fequence of their fupport given to the minifter on a 
late oCcafion, ought to carry the baitoon or mark 
of baftafdy On their efcutcheons is not being true 
born Irifhme'n. He begs to refer them to Mr, Can- 
ning and the editors of the Sun, who will furnifh 
them with fupporters gratis. For their crefls he 
thinks for many reafons they fhould take a viper •,-^ 
and as for mottos, hfe fays, they may 6iid them 
any where, fuch as 



HIBERNICUS. 



« Dedecorum pretiofus cnjptor." 

" Vcndidit hie aui^ patriam," &c.&c.